PERGALA AŞÎTÎYÊ

Mirovahiya sedsala 21’an di nav krîzeke mezin re derbas dibe. Neyeksaniya aborî kûr bûye, baweriya civakî qels bûye, saziya malbatê hilweşiyaye û pergalên siyasî ketine krîza temsîliyetê. Di asta gerdûnî de şer, koçberî, pevçûnên nasnameyî û monopolbûna aborî; di asta herêmî de jî bêkarî, bêhêvîtiya ciwanan û bêbaweriya li hemberî hiqûqê belav bûye.

Pergala Aşîtiyê; ne tenê dadperweriyê, lê bawerî, hilberîn, beşdarbûn û lihevkirina civakî wekî pêşniyazeke şaristaniya sosyolojîk hildigire dest.

1. Tehlîla Sosyolojîk a Pirsgirêkên Îro

a) Krîza Baweriyê

Bawerî, girêdana bingehîn a civakê ye. Dema bawerî qels bibe:

* Malbat hildiweşe.

* Aborî ber bi qeydderveyê ve diçe.

* Hiqûq dibe siyasî.

* Têkiliya navbera dewlet û welatiyan diqete.

Pergala Aşîtiyê, baweriyê ne di navendeke giran de, lê di avahiyeke herêmî û beşdar de ji nû ve ava dike.

b) Tekelparêziya Aborî û Hejmarî

Sîstema kapîtalîst a modern, ne hilberînê lê fînansê xistiye navendê. Li şûna aboriya reel, aboriya deynan mezin bûye. Ev rewş:

* Hilberînerên piçûk ji holê radike.

* Karsaziyên malbatî diqedîne.

* Ciwanan mehkûmî koletiya bi mûçe dike.

Pergala Aşîtiyê, modeleke aborî ya li ser bingeha hilberînê û wekheviya parvekirinê pêşniyaz dike. Kooperatîf, torên hilberîna herêmî û prînsîbên fînansa bêfaîz bingeha vê avahiyê ne.

c) Pevçûnên Nasnameyî

Cudahiyên etnîkî, mezhebî û îdeolojîk; berhema hişmendiyên rêveberiya navendî û zordar in. Çareseriya pevçûnan ne bi rêbazên ewlekariyê, lê bi modelên beşdar û rêveberiyên herêmî pêkan e.

2. Pergala Aşîtiyê Çi Ye?

Pergala Aşîtiyê:

* Hêzê ne, maf hildide navendê.

* Zulma piraniyê ne, lihevkirinê bingeh digire.

* Otorîteya navendî ne, berpirsiyariya herêmî xurt dike.

* Raqabetê ne, hevkariya hilberînê teşwîq dike.

Ev model, dadperweriyê bi bêpevçûniyê, hiqûqê bi aştiya civakî û aboriyê bi hilberînê re dike yek.

3. Prînsîbên Bingehîn ên Pergala Aşîtiyê

1️⃣ Rêveberiya Herêmî û Sîstema Hakemtiyê

Li şûna dadgeh û burokrasîya navendî:

* Şandeyên hakeman ên herêmî.

* Mekanîzmayên biryardanê yên beşdar.

* Rêyên çareseriyê yên şefaf û bilez.

2️⃣ Aboriya Hilberînê

* Li şûna faîzê, şirîkatî.

* Li şûna xerckirinê, hilberîn.

* Li şûna tekelê, kooperatîf.

3️⃣ Xurtkirina Malbat û Civakê

Aşîtî, pêşî di malbatê de dest pê dike. Ji bo vê yekê divê ji bo dawet û zewacan formatek nû were dîtin. Pergala Aşîtiyê lêçûnên nehewce yên dawetan radike; hin lêçûnan (salon, orkestra, xwarin) dixe ser milê rêveberiyên herêmî (şaredarî û qeymeqamî).

4️⃣ Rûmeta Mirovan a Gerdûnî

Pergala Aşîtiyê, sîstemeke sernasname ye. Kurd, Tirk, Ereb, Fars; Misulman, Xiristiyan, bawermend an bêbawer… Rûmet û mafê her kesî diparêze.

4. Pergala Aşîtiyê û Pirsgirêka Kurd

* Ne çek, muzakere.

* Ne zext, desthilata herêmî.

* Ne zimanê ewlekariyê, peymana civakî.

Her bajar wekî formateke dewleteke serbixwe ji nû ve tê birêxistin kirin. Ewlekariya hundurîn ji mirovên wî bajarî pêk tê. Di artêşên serbixwe de her kes (Kurd, Tirk, Ereb, Zaza hwd.) dikare bibe general. Şertê rêvebirbûnê (Waly an Şaredar) ew e ku li wî bajarî ji dayik bûbe û bi zimanê wî bajarî bizanibe.

Perwerde: Perwerde bi zimanê bajêr tê kirin (ji seretayî heta zanîngehê). Di zanîngehê de zimanê hevpar ê welat lê tê zêdekirin. Di asta master û lîsansa bilind de; zimanê zanistê (Ilim) Erebiya Quranê, zimanê fena (Bilim) jî Latînî ye.

5. Nasnameya Min a Sosyolog û Darbest (Marangoz)

Ez kî me? Ez ne teorîsyenekî ser masê me. Ez mirovekî wisa me ku hêm hildiberînim, hem jî difikirim.

* Darbestî xeratî pîvanê fêr dike.

* Sosyolojî, hevsengiyê fêr dike.

Pergala Aşîtiyê jî sîstema pîvan û hevsengiyê ye. Civak jî avahiyek e; avahiya bi pîvana şaş were avakirin, hildiweşe.

Ez ji gundê Tmoqê yê Kozluka Batmanê me. Malbata me ji Eşîra Hesenan a Cizîrê ye. Niha jî navê taxa me ya li gundê Tmoqê "Taxa Hesenan" e.

6. Encam: Projeya Şaristaniyê ya Sedsala 21'an

Pergala Aşîtiyê; ne kapîtalîzm e, ne sosyalîzm e, ne zordariya teokratîk e û ne jî valahiya sekuler e. Ew projeyeke avakirinê ye. Êdî dema dirûşman qediya, dema pergalê ye. Dema şer nîn e, dema Pergala Aşîtîyê

INGILÎSÎ

THE ORDER OF PEACE

Humanity in the 21st century is undergoing a period of great crisis. Economic inequalities have deepened, social trust has weakened, family structures have dissolved, and political systems have entered a crisis of representation. On a global scale, wars, migrations, identity conflicts, and economic monopolization have become rampant; while on a local scale, unemployment, youth despair, and a lack of trust in the judiciary have spread.

The Order of Peace is a sociological civilization proposal based not only on justice but also on trust, production, participation, and social harmony.

1. Sociological Analysis of Contemporary Problems

a) The Crisis of Trust

Trust is the fundamental bond of society. When trust weakens:

* The family dissolves.

* The economy shifts toward the informal sector.

* The judiciary becomes politicized.

* The bond between the state and the citizen is severed.

The Order of Peace reproduces trust not through a centralized structure, but through a local and participatory one.

b) Economic Monopolization and Poverty

The modern capitalist system centers finance rather than production. Instead of a real economy, a debt-based economy has grown. This situation:

* Liquidates small producers.

* Destroys family businesses.

* Condemns the youth to "salaried slavery."

The Order of Peace proposes an economic model based on production and balanced sharing. Cooperatives, local production networks, and interest-free finance principles are the pillars of this structure.

c) Identity Conflicts

Ethnic, sectarian, and ideological polarizations are the products of centralized and oppressive governance. The solution to these conflicts is possible not through security-oriented policies, but through participatory and decentralized models.

2. What is the Order of Peace?

The Order of Peace:

* Centers rights, not power.

* Basics itself on reconciliation, not the tyranny of the majority.

* Strengthens local responsibility, not central authority.

* Encourages cooperation in production, not ruthless competition.

This model, nourished by various historical civilizational experiences, is reinterpreted here on a broader sociological ground. It integrates justice with non-conflict, law with social peace, and economy with production.

3. Fundamental Principles of the Order of Peace

1️⃣ Decentralization and the Arbitration System

Instead of central courts and bureaucracy:

* Local arbitration boards.

* Participatory decision-making mechanisms.

* Transparent and rapid solutions.

* This model reduces social tension.

2️⃣ Production Economy

* Partnership instead of interest (usury).

* Production instead of consumption.

* Cooperatives instead of monopolies.

* This approach reduces both poverty and unemployment.

3️⃣ Strengthening Family and Society

Instead of individualistic extremes that weaken the family:

* A sense of responsibility.

* Intergenerational solidarity.

* Social belonging.

Peace begins in the family. For this, new formats and solutions must be found for marriages and weddings. The system eliminates unnecessary expenses; some costs (hall, orchestra, catering) are billed to local administrations like municipalities or governorships. It encourages the two families to share the remaining costs equally.

4️⃣ Universal Human Dignity

The Order of Peace is a system above identities. Kurdish, Turkish, Arab, Persian; Muslim, Christian, believer or non-believer… It protects the dignity and rights of everyone.

4. The Order of Peace and the Kurdish Issue

Through the perspective of the Order of Peace:

* Negotiation, not weapons.

* Local authority, not oppression.

* Social contract, not the language of securitization.

Conflict areas are resolved through arbitration and local government reforms. Thus, trust is rebuilt.

* Every city and administrative unit is reorganized in a "sovereign state format."

* Internal Security is formed by the people of that city.

* External Security is provided by independent armies. Whether one is Kurdish, Arab, Zaza, Georgian, Laz, or Turkish—anyone can serve as a general in these independent armies.

* Governance: Only one remains: either the Governor or the Mayor. They are elected by the people of the city. A candidate must have been born and raised there and must know the city language (local language). The "Republic of Appointments" has collapsed; we can no longer proceed with this fascist system.

* Education: Education is conducted in the city language from primary school to university. In university, the common national language is added. In postgraduate studies, Religious Sciences (Ilm) are conducted in Quranic Arabic, and Modern Sciences (Bilim) are conducted in Latin. We must move away from "one language, one type" education. A production-oriented vocational education becomes the priority; the era of "dry diplomas" ends.

5. My Identity as a Sociologist-Carpenter

Who am I?

I am not a desk-bound theorist. I am a person who both produces and thinks.

Carpentry teaches measurement.

Sociology teaches balance.

The Order of Peace is a system of measurement and balance. Society is also a structure. A building built with the wrong measurements will collapse. A society established with a wrong system will conflict.

I am from Tmoq village in Kozluk, Batman. My family is from the Cizre Hesenan Tribe. Today, the name of our neighborhood in Tmoq village is Taxa Hesena (Hesenans Neighborhood).

6. Conclusion: A Civilization Project for the 21st Century

The Order of Peace:

* Is not Capitalism.

* Is not Socialism.

* Is not a Theocratic tyranny.

* Is not a Secular void.

It is a new proposal for civilization rising on the foundation of production, rights, trust, and local responsibility.

The time for slogans has passed; it is time for the system.

The time for reaction has passed; it is time for construction.

The time for fighting has passed; it is time for The Order of Peace.

Sociologist & Carpenter

Zeki Altuboğa